[Dancecult-l] deconstruction, normativity, expressivity
Nibelungentreue at aol.com
Nibelungentreue at aol.com
Mon Apr 30 06:56:59 CEST 2007
Thanks to you folks who responded. Don't worry Adam and Natale, and anyone
else who may be interested, notwithstanding minor differences, I think Tobias
and myself are basically singing from the same song sheet, imploring you not to
burn your precious Mike Ink and Peter Namlook collections in order to avoid an
imminent "techno" dystopia! I know introducing deconstruction into these
discussions may be too specialised, or, dare I say it, "abstract", for some
tastes, so I'm conscious about not banging on about it for too long. Suffice it to
add, if this is one post too many, I'll retreat before someone asks me to go
tell it on the mountain, or for Tobias and myself "to get a room" (cue pained
laughter from Tobias).
All jokes aside, there is another practical reason that extends, I think,
beyond such concerns of having chosen the correct forum for raising in the first
place the "inconvenient truth" of Derrida's texts. When I reference Tobias
"musing" on certain issues, I do not choose this phrase with the intention of
impugning the complexity of his thinking by deliberately contrasting it with my
own style. No, I reference here how reflective the content of writing on a
listserv is of the form in which it appears; hyper aphoristic concentrations will
tend to dominate because this form of writing is not like composing a
scholarly essay or writing a book. This qualification has to be borne in mind, as
folks are simply using this forum to "try out" some ideas, rather than presenting
fully developed material. I think there might be a specific lesson for you
here Adam, and maybe Natale as well; it's probably not a good idea to see Tobias
and myself as referencing the "countersignature" of "Derrida" as some kind of
final authority on "deconstruction". Such an attempt literally makes no sense
at all from a strictly deconstructive point of view. Again, given the
restrictions of the forum, citing this "author" should only be understood as a
shorthand term for the sake of convenience. And maybe that’s really where the
confusions lie: People like Paul De Man and Jonathan Culler, who did the most to turn
deconstruction into a ‘method’ force-fed it to smart Ivy League graduate
students. They came to believe that Derrida was proposing some kind of
counter-intuitive deep reading technique, whereas Derrida’s own line always seemed
anti-methodological much more like the later Wittgenstein, i.e. deconstruction is ‘
always already’ happening in the circulation of texts, whether you realise it
or not. Texts ultimately deconstruct themselves, though we might try to become
attentive to this fact and disabuse ourselves of certain presuppositions
about the constancy of meaning, etc.
For the sake less of uncharitable schoolmasterly pedantry, and more the need
to remain consistent with the aforementioned kind of philosophical rigour
demanded of a deconstructive reading, Tobias, I would question/qualify whether it
is a matter for you to claim that certain ideas are not really your own, and
that you are "merely" giving them a bit of your own inflection. WIth repetition
comes difference anyway, not least in your grafting of these citations into a
new context, irrespective of whether the new context is putatively discussing
the same topic as in its point of "origin" (i.e. Afro Futurism). At least as
I understand it, remaining mindful of these conditions is the starting point
for any discussion of ethics and deconstruction i.e. infinite responsibility
towards self/other cannot be easily translated into the terms of "it was the
other guy who really said it/did it".
With some of that much needed initial clarification out of the way, I'll now
try to steer the discussion back towards the specifics of this thread. When I
reference "ontology", it is partly with tongue planted firmly in cheek,
inasmuch as I'm pretty cynical about the attempts by thinkers heavily influenced by
postmodernism and poststructuralism to identify some kind of entity, whether
they choose to refer to it in terms of "becomings" or not, as offering the
promise of salvation from our sociohistorical condition. Perhaps surprisingly to
some, this appears to happen sometimes with folks influenced by deconstruction.
Take Donna Haraway's cyborg metaphor for example. For where Haraway is
obviously sympathetic to deconstruction, putting forward the cyborg metaphor as a
way out of the dualisms that have shaped our ontology (Haraway 1991: 181),
Derrida, for example, regards metaphor instead as securing the privileged
relationship between the human and Being; "Man alone takes pleasure in imitating…man
alone learns by imitation" (Derrida 1982: 237). As Yi acutely observes, the
consequences of Derrida's reasoning for Haraway's cyborg are that:
…the more slavishly the cyborg imitates humans, the more seriously it affects
human ontology. But in doing so, it also helps keep the metaphoric
relationship with humans, thus rendering human ontology inexhaustible and a cyborg
ontology impossible (Yi 2004).
So I guess the larger questions I was hinting at, Tobias, relate not so much
to a demand to clarify your references to becoming "alien", along the lines of
how would it specifically situate itself in relation to cyborgs (and in my
experience, the cyborg metaphor is very popular in EDMC; how many djs or
producers refer to themselves in such terms? Beyond this observation: why???).
Afterall, you appear to run a clean line on the alien which avoids obvious
metaphorical dependency. When I situate ontology, or even becomings if preferred, in
relation to cultural policy, I am implicitly disputing your claim though that
deconstruction is somehow apriori prevented from any such mutual contagion.
Afterall, Derrida was known to have pronounced that there were "no exceptions" to
where deconstruction would be at work. What might be suggested then is that
the alien is drawn to a relationship to the constitutive antagonism that Derrida
has described in the following terms:
"All that a deconstructive point of view tries to show, is that since
convention, institutions and consensus are stabilizations (sometimes stabilizations
of great duration, sometimes micro-stabilizations), this means that they are
stabilizations of something essentially unstable and chaotic" (Derrida 1996:
84).
In the context of my discussion of democratisation, the implication would be
that this instability is something prior to conceptualisation; we could call
it "the political", on the understanding that it cannot be conflated with
"politics". What happens in a democracy, so the deconstructionist argues, is that
this principle is instituted in society i.e. it is not created by democracy, it
simply assumes an institutional form, albeit a retroactive attribution of
something that cannot be directly "experienced". Were space permitting, an
interesting discussion might be developed here, wherein this institutionalised form
of stability/instability could be compared and contrasted with the writing in
German philosophical anthropology on mimesis (read: imitation), say Plessner
or Gehlen for example. As I recall, their argument was basically that social
relations were facilitated by institution building, in the sense that
routinisation etc released humans from the chaotic state they associated with Nature. In
case Graham doesn't already know, this meant, for Gehlen et al, a reduction
of primordial violence. Working in a separate space and time, American
pragmatists such as G.H. Mead extended this principle to their thinking of political
agency; the self was divided between an "I", an unstable agglomeration of
spontaneous impulses, and a "me", that imitated the reciprocity/stability involved
in social roles/institution building (co-operation was necessary sometimes or
nothing could ever get done, no action would be coordinated).
The implication of the pragmatist position is that expressivity and
normativity need to be viewed as mutually giving birth to each other (as also for one
of Canada's great modern philosophers, Charles Taylor; in an Australian
context, it is worth reading the superb Clifford Hooker for comparable insights).
However, this is a position that seemingly could not be countenanced by the likes
of Deleuze and Guattari, as they explicitly claimed that the self should
become all "I" and no "me". The question for deconstruction, and those who wish to
use it in any kind of ethical sense, is how it can facilitate a "creative
democracy"; i.e. how do you adjudicate/mediate the traffic between the "I" and
the "me", or, if you prefer, between ethics and morality, the good and the
right? I don't claim to know offhand if the "alien" is up to this task, but I have
already expressed elsewhere my reservations about some of Derrida's own
prescriptions in the text endorsed by Tobias, "Specters of Marx" (just in case
anyone wants to press me on this detail, you'd have to first google "Huthnance
Neil" and find the reference in my pdf format searchable thesis). That is to say,
in the case of the alien , I don't know if this would be a necessary
consequence of it potentially sharing too much emphasis/family resemblance with Torok
and or/Max Stirner. I do know though that on occassion Derrida referred to
himself as a "pragmatologist".
In other words, the important question, at base, has to do with the
relationship between what I have already called "the political", and something else
called "politics". Here then is the criteria by which a more recognisably
mainstream understanding of "politics" would attempt to define itself against the
deconstructive understanding of "the political" that I've described [above]:
1. Deconstructive emphasis on structural necessity implies the impossibility
of society, because society can never be "present" to itself; this makes it
difficult to identify social problems which require collective solutions i.e.
deconstruction is anti-utopian
2. This opens up a power vacuum which will be filled by other ideologies and
discourses.
My articulation of deconstruction's basic condition, mirthfully referred to
as "ontology" by me, its structural necessity, to cultural
policy/democratisation, is designed to overcome such objections. I agree with deconstructionists
of all stripes that "the political" can perform a very important function in
preventing the realisation of nightmare "utopias", such as totalitarianism. The
status of a deconstruction encounter with this structural condition is
ethical. If this unity is objectionable, it is equally the case that the same might
be said of particularism because it attempts to articulate a unity and unity is
thought of as synonymous with totalitarianism. By bringing deconstruction in
line with cultural policy, I am suggesting a third possibility; ok, it may be
the case that the coexistence of these opposite tendencies is coextensive with
the constitution of the social as such, thereby the ambiguity on which
democracy is based is irreducible, so democracy provides the best possibility for a
mediation between the two. By bringing cultural policy to the deconstructive
table, one can consider the operationalisation of this mediation in a very
specific sense, thereby articulating "the political" and "politics"; we have to
learn to make our expectations more definite, whilst leaving them open for
further rearticulation. The Welsh cultural critic Raymond Williams has some
wonderful lines that gesture at these necessarily conjoined imperatives:
"Never yet, in the great pattern of inheritance and response, have two wholly
identical individuals been formed. This, rather than any particular image of
virtue, is our actual human scale. The idea of a common culture brings
together, in a particular form of social relationship, at once the idea of natural
growth and that of its tending. The former alone is a type of romantic
individualism; the latter alone a type of authoritarian training. Yet each, within a
whole view, marks a necessary emphasis. The struggle for democracy is a struggle
for the recognition of equality of being, or it is nothing. Yet only in the
acknowledgement of human individuality and variation can the reality of common
government be comprised" (Williams: Culture and Society 1780-1950, 1958
[1961]: 323).
This impression might be further magnified by bringing up the work of Mouffe
and Laclau, except for the fact that I'm starting to run out of steam. I don't
know if I'll be able to post again for a while. Wouldn't mind asking Tobias
for some advice on another distantly related theoretical issue I'm currently
working on, if he were agreeable (i.e. mightn't be a need to clog up this
listserv with it). For anyone else who may have read this far, I hope this has
answered some of your questions about where I stand on deconstruction and possible
implications with relation to Adam's original provocative question. Feel free
to contact me about your work or my stuff.
cheers,
Neil Huthnance
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